End the Occupation

In May 2005 a number of the undersigned groups sent the New York Times editors two letters requesting clarification of the Times editors position on the legality of Israeli settlements in light of the broad international consensus on the illegality of all Israeli settlements. We are writing to renew our inquiry, in response to the publication of the Times’ October 22, 2005 editorial, “For Abbas, Time to Act”

by Phyllis Bennis Institute for Policy Studies

This paper will 1) explore the obligations of the United States under the ICJ advisory opinion on Israel’s wall; 2) examine official U.S. policy toward the ICJ advisory opinion; 3) contrast existing U.S. policy toward Israel and Palestine with the requirements of the ICJ advisory opinion; and 4) consider strategies for U.S. civil society to bring the United States into compliance with the ICJ advisory opinion.

Through our network and together with other national partner organizations, we coordinate "Washington Wednesdays," which are always the first Wednesday of every month, and other legislative action alerts. Through this partnership, thousands of activists around the country are coordinating their political outreach efforts through agreed upon topics and messages. We sincerely hope that you will join in our efforts and help us to build the type of national movement that will be strong enough to reverse the injustices of US policy.

CATHERINE COOK—SEPTEMBER 3, 2003 In Jayyous, a village of 3,000 in the northern West Bank, Najah Shamasneh cradles her granddaughter in her lap and listens to her husband Yusuf tell of the loss of their agricultural land. The Shamasneh family's 25 dunams (about 6.25 acres), their sole source of income, now lies on the western side of the wall that Israel is erecting in the West Bank. The following article is used by permission from MERIP and can be found on the MERIP website. >>READ MORE . . .

In 1993, with the Oslo Accords, we seemed so close to peace. Today there is horrible bloodshed. What happened? The fact is that no one is spelling peace with a "j". You might point out that there is no "j" in peace. You would be right. There has been no justice in any of the attempts to achieve peace between Palestinians and Israelis.

Many Israelis who are committed to a life of peace and justice in this country are convinced, it seems, that despite all the horrors of the occupation and the violent conflict, there are still certain red lines that they will not allow Ariel Sharon and his government to cross: Transfer will not be permitted to happen. When the critical moment arrives, they will stand up and stop it.

For Israelis, 1948 is a year in which two things happened which contradict each other: On the one hand, it was the climax of Jewish aspirations to have a state or to fulfill a long dream of returning to a homeland after what they regarded as 2000 years of exile.

Following the onset of the second Palestinian Intifada in September 2000 and the concomitant collapse of the Oslo negotiations process, the idea of population transfer as a means of solving the "Palestinian problem" has moved increasingly from the margins towards the center of Israeli public discourse.

The end of apartheid stands as one of the crowning accomplishments of the past century, but we would not have succeeded without the help of international pressure - in particular the divestment movement of the 1980s. Over the past six months, a similar movement has taken shape, this time aiming at an end to the Israeli occupation.