Jews, Israel, and the United States:
Talking Points for Jewish Antiwar Activism
Talking to American Jews about
cutting or suspending U.S. military aid to Israel is a daunting prospect.
Within the Jewish community, this topic cannot even really be termed
controversial — it would be better described as taboo. Attempts
to open the discussion are most often met with the knee-jerk reaction
that U.S. support is vital to guaranteeing Israel’s safety, and
with it the safety of the Jewish people worldwide. Anyone who argues
otherwise is dismissed as either a traitor or a fool.
Today, Israel’s invasion and reoccupation of population centers
in the Palestinian West Bank has prompted increasing numbers of Jewish
(and non-Jewish) activists to begin publicly challenging U.S. support
for Israel. More and more voices are calling for a suspension of U.S.
military aid to Israel, as long as Israel’s 35-year-old illegal
occupation of Palestinian territory continues.
Does the emergence of this issue represent a sea change in Jewish peace
politics, or a transitory reaction to the current crisis? A small but
growing number of Jewish antiwar activists (this writer among them)
have been working for some time to lay the groundwork for a Middle
East antiwar movement focusing on the suspension of U.S. military aid
to Israel, as one expression of a larger critique of the impact of U.S.
interventionism in the Middle East. This approach has emerged as a
strategic response to the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the
subsequent outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada 18 months ago. As yet, this
nascent movement has no clear organizational form or common strategy,
but consists of a loose network of disparate campaigns, some framed
as Jewish initiatives and some as multiconstituency coalitions. The
depth of the current crisis in the occupied territories was not the
starting point for this development, but underscores its urgency nonetheless.
This article explores approaches to raising the military aid issue in
a Jewish context. It does not review basic information about the U.S.
role in the Middle East or the scale and impact of U.S. military aid
to Israel — partly because this information is available elsewhere
and partly because it is more properly understood as a matter of concern
to all U.S. peace activists (and taxpayers), regardless of their ethnic
or religious identity. These talking points are intended as a contribution
to a single facet of the larger discussion about the U.S. role in the
Middle East: namely, how can Jewish antiwar activists understand and
raise this issue as Jews?
There is, of course, no lack of Jewish participation in efforts to challenge
U.S. intervention in the Middle East (and around the world). The most
prominent critic of U.S. interventionism in the Middle East, Noam Chomsky,
is a Jew. Nevertheless, while such voices exemplify the tradition of
progressive and democratic politics in Jewish life, they are not framed
as Jewish voices addressing an American Jewish constituency.
Given the contradictions of Jewish peace politics over the past twentyodd
years, many Jewish activists have concluded that the political task
under discussion here is impossible. Some have chosen to pursue their
activism in a non-Jewish context. Others remain involved in Jewish life
or even Jewish peace politics but have decided that the issue of the
U.S. role in the Middle East is too charged and too costly to raise.
Still others (probably the majority) have simply drifted away —
from the Jewish community, from activism, or both.
Those of us who believe we must take on this uphill battle base our
efforts on two premises. First, U.S. financial, military, and diplomatic
support for Israel plays a central role in perpetuating the Israeli/Palestinian
conflict and preventing its resolution. From this standpoint, building
a movement to challenge the U.S. role is an indispensable strategy for
achieving the goal of a just and lasting peace. Second, explicitly Jewish
voices are crucial to the development of a broad-based Middle East
antiwar movement that can successfully challenge the cynicism of U.S.
policy toward Israel/ Palestine, with its catastrophic human costs.
Because Jews have flourished in the United States — economically,
socially, and culturally — we have tended to look on the United
States as a friend and protector to our community. In the post-World
War II era in particular, Jews have enjoyed enormous social and economic
mobility and have successfully challenged most barriers to Jewish participation
in U.S. society. Within the tacit system of racial stratification of
U.S. society, we have “counted” as white people in the postwar
era, benefiting from the material and cultural advantages of white skin
privilege. In the wording of dissident Jewish theologian Marc Ellis,
we have been “assimilated to power” and “assimilated
to the West.”
It is this equation — of the United States as a friend and protector
of the Jewish community — that Jews with a critical perspective
on U.S. interventionism need to challenge. A militarized, antidemocratic
Israeli state decreases, rather than increasing, Jewish safety. This
is immediately obvious in the case of suicide bombings, and has been
raised in such terms even by the more liberal Jewish peace camp in the
U.S. and Israel, which has pointed out that unrelenting Israeli attacks
only increase the hopeless rage of Palestinian youth and leave them
more prone to such gestures of desperation, while closing off avenues
for a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
The flow of U.S. armaments to Israel is another crucial case in point.
Most Jews, like most other Americans, are unaware of the extent of U.S.
military aid to Israel, which represents nearly a third of all U.S.
foreign aid. The lion’s share of this “aid” flows
directly back to U.S.-based military contractors like Lockheed, General
Dynamics, Northrup-Grumman, and the like. More armaments mean more warfare
and more bloodshed, not less. In the Middle East, just as in other conflicts
around the world, the U.S. militaryindustrial complex, working through
its allies among policy elites, plays on our fears to flood the world
with more and more weapons, thereby increasing the likelihood of
armed conflict. The only path to peace, for Jews just as for any other
community, is the path of demilitarization.
The issue of Jewish safety is based in deep-seated cultural and historical
realities. Many members of our community have direct personal or family
ties to the Nazi Holocaust, as survivors or as relatives of Holocaust
victims or survivors. Even though the majority of the American Jewish
community immigrated earlier and thus lived through the Nazi era in
relative safety in the United States, many of us carry family memories
of pogroms and other violent expressions of European anti-Semitism.
All of us bear these experiences as part of our collective memory and
our cultural and psychological foundation.
As a result, the massive manipulation of Jewish insecurity to rationalize
Israeli militarism cannot simply be dismissed or sidestepped in the
interests of consolidating a secular “American” understanding
of U.S. intervention in the Middle East. Even when Jewish insecurity
is not explicitly voiced, it will always be present in the room, shaping
and conditioning the discussion. A failure on our part to acknowledge
and address the issue of Jewish safety will only undermine the credibility
of our movement, not only among Jews but also among many other segments
of U.S. society.
From a longer-term perspective, Jews would do well to consider the risks
of allying ourselves to empire. In the contemporary global panorama,
U.S. interventionism and unilateralism are increasingly repudiated
by world opinion. Do we really believe that the United States will retain
its current status as the world’s sole superpower forever? Or
that we can best guarantee our long-term survival as a community by
staking everything on U.S. patronage — as opposed, for instance,
to working for a more democratic and demilitarized Middle East, or greater
economic and political integration of Israel into the region? This is
hardly the first time in Jewish history that communal leaders have relied
on the sponsorship of local elites as a strategy for ensuring community
survival — a strategy that in the past has repeatedly led us to
In the Cold War era, U.S. aid to Israel was rationalized as a counterbalance
to Soviet aid to the Arab world. While the threat of Soviet military
expenditures was always vastly overstated, today this threat can no
longer be said to exist in any form. Now the rationale has shifted to
the stereotypical figure of a “hostile sea” of Arabs, “armed
to the teeth” and implacably hostile toward Israel. This caricature
sidesteps the reality that most Arab countries are also heavily dependent
on the United States, economically, politically, and militarily. Those
Arab states outside the U.S. orbit, such as Syria or Iraq, do not possess
the military strength to represent a significant threat to regional
The U.S. military-industrial complex is the only winner in the Middle
East — and the only party whose interests are served by maintaining
the region in a perpetual state of warfare. “Divide and rule”
is the classic strategy for maintaining imperial power. From this standpoint,
the current polarization of the Middle East is simply a contemporary
example of how Jews and Arabs have been successfully played off against
one another in the Middle East since the era of the British Mandate.
Just as most of us would insist that we are both Jewish and American,
we need to understand Israel and the larger Middle East in terms of
global history and politics as well as our own particular historical
and cultural experience. Our failure to do so has rendered us vulnerable
to mythologized versions of our history — in ways that serve
the prerogatives of empire, not the longterm sustainability and
vitality of Jewish existence, both as a transnational ethnic and religious
community and, in the case of Israel, as a national community. Discussions
of the Middle East in a Jewish context generally proceed as if Israel
existed in an entirely different plane than the rest of the world’s
peoples. Jewish antiwar activists need to bring the discussion of Israel
out of the mythic realm of Jewish destiny and into the here and now.
One central consequence of this mythologized narrative is the nearuniversal
adherence among American Jews to the ideal of the “Jewish state.”
In a world where national borders have less and less meaning, and demographic
mingling is an unstoppable worldwide phenomenon, we have imbued the
maintenance of Jewish demographic superiority in Israel with mythic
significance as our safe haven in a hostile world. It is very common
for Jewish discussions of Israel to affirm passionately that “we
cannot rely on anyone but ourselves.” Once we demythologize the
discussion, however, it is patently obvious that we are not relying
on ourselves to guarantee Israel’s safety, but on U.S. imperial
power. Do we really want to stake our collective survival on the kind
ministrations of the Pentagon and the State Department — or the
As part of this perspective, we need to develop our understanding of
how deeply Israel, like every other country in the world, is affected
by the forces of global economic integration, the legacies of colonialism,
deepening global environmental degradation, and the unchecked spread
of militarism (and with it the armaments industry) in today’s
unipolar world. Concrete examples include the negative impact of militarization
on the Israeli economy, the dismantling of Israeli social protections
in the era of globalization, structural barriers to social and economic
equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel (currently 20% of the Israeli
population), and the crucial role of the politics (and economics) of
scarce water resources in the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. Jews and
all of the world’s peoples will share a common future. We need
to base our understanding of that future on answers that work for all
people, rather than imagining that there is a special answer for Jews
(or, for that matter, for Americans).
Jews in the United States are connected by innumerable bonds of sympathy,
kinship, and history with Jews in Israel (and around the world). Jewish
American antiwar activists need to sustain and deepen our connections
with likeminded sectors of Israeli opinion. At the same time, we need
to recognize that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not only exist
in the Middle East, but is bought and paid for in the United States.
We need to develop our own understandings and our own political strategies,
both as American Jews and as U.S. taxpayers. Alliances with democratic,
anti-militarist forces in both Israeli and Palestinian society are crucial,
but represent only one dimension of the many alliances we need to build.
Israel and its future are quite rightly an issue of concern to all Jews
worldwide — but the Middle East is not an issue that “belongs”
to us as Jews any more than it “belongs” to Arabs or Muslims.
A peaceful and democratic future for everyone in the Middle East is
not an ethnic but a human issue. It is, in fact, one of the central
issues of our times, with a potentially decisive impact on the prospects
for a peaceful future for our entire planet. Jews will not be able to
“go it alone” in a world wracked by endless warfare, unfettered
corporate power, the deepening economic gulf among the world’s
peoples, the growing threat of environmental catastrophe, and the ever-present
possibility of nuclear holocaust. We need to work out a Jewish future,
not in the world of myth and archetype but in this world, because that
is where it will take place.
Living in two cultures, as Jews and Americans, means that we need to
develop a politics of both-and, not either-or. We need to honor our
specific cultural and historical experience and to interrogate that
experience in the light of global historical forces. We need to develop
our own voice as Jews and to work in coalition with allies. We need
to challenge anti-Semitism and to understand the weight and impact
of other manifestations of racism and colonialism — most particularly
(and most urgently) the Palestinian naqba and the desperate contemporary
situation of occupied Palestine.
Above all, we need to preserve the memory of our own collective historical
experience of oppression and victimization — and rise to the
new historical challenge of acknowledging and responding to our current
status as oppressors and victimizers (and their apologists). The Jewish
role as oppressors entails the active participation of the few and the
complicit silence of the many — just as occurs in every community,
in every era. We can only counter the militarization of our community,
our society, and our consciousness by raising our voices in opposition
— as Jews, as U.S. taxpayers, and as citizens of the world.
Anti-Semitism, in the conventional sense of anti-Jewish racism, is a
real political and cultural danger. It is manifested not only in the
rantings of the white supremacist Right, or the current outbreaks
of anti-Jewish violence in Western Europe, but also in the uncritical
acceptance by many liberal mainstream Christians of the idea that the
Jewish community is the chief obstacle to peace in the Middle East.
Real alliance-building — as opposed to the tactical expediency
of short-term coalition politics — means that we need to ask our
Christian (and secular) allies to recognize and own their own part:
in anti-Semitism, in silence and complicity, and in the arrogance of
empire. Today’s devastating humanitarian crisis in the occupied
territories falls most heavily, of course, on Palestinians, but responding
to it is the responsibility of all people of conscience — most
particularly every U.S. taxpayer, because we are the ones who are paying
Just as we must challenge anti-Semitism and expect our allies to do
the same, we ourselves need to become allies in challenging the relentless
demonization of Arabs and Muslims in U.S. media and political discourse
(as well as inside the Jewish community). Anti-Arab racism has not only
stifled debate about U.S. policy in the Middle East, it has also provided
political cover for the enactment of legislation that gravely erodes
the framework of constitutional protections in our country. Most Americans
are only peripherally aware of federal laws permitting detention without
trial or charges, the use of secret evidence, warrantless searches,
and a host of other antidemocratic measures. Some of these measures
target non-citizens, while others apply to citizens and non-citizens
alike. Although much of this legislation was enacted after September
11, some of it dates back to 1996 or even before. Currently, Arab and
Muslim communities in the United States are facing a major crisis of
human rights — a crisis that has barely been reported, much less
challenged, outside of very limited circles. Real alliance building
means that Middle East peace activists also need to be allies to Arab
immigrant, Arab American, and Muslim communities as they face this
ongoing crisis of detention, deportation, and hate violence.
Our particular stake as Jews in anti-Arab racism is reflected in our
tendency to conflate Christian anti-Semitism with anti-Jewish bias in
the Arab world, as if they were equivalently ahistorical, eternal forces.
Of course, no community and no religion is free of bias and chauvinism,
and anti-Jewish prejudice and behavior, including violence, have certainly
existed in the Arab world, both historically and at the present day.
It is mistaken, however, to treat such bias as identical to the repeating
cycles of Jewish persecution and victimization in Christian Europe,
where the status of Jews as an archetypal “other” has played
a key role in the unfolding history of European society and the emergence
Significantly, it was at the close of World War II — the moment
when inter-European rivalries were eclipsed by the historical movement
toward decolonization and national liberation in the Third World —
that Jews were assimilated overnight to the Christian “West”
as part of a newly invented “Judeo-Christian” tradition.
Since then, other groups (such as Arabs) have assumed center stage as
the eternal “other” in the international arena, just as
African Americans (and, by extension, all people of color) are positioned
as the “other” with regard to domestic U.S. concerns. Even
without embarking on an indepth discussion of the social function
of the racialized “other,” we would do well to question
whether is it really in our longterm interests as a community to buy
into these images, given how much, and for how long, Jews have suffered
from the politics of demonization.
Many — perhaps most — people in the Jewish community also
uncritically accept the myth that Jewish sensibilities and a Jewish-determined
political agenda are decisive factors in U.S. Middle East policy: that
we are the tail that wags the dog. In reality, if the supposed “Jewish
agenda” diverged from the geopolitical interests of the U.S. security
establishment, we would undoubtedly learn overnight much of a facade
our apparent power is. The Israel lobby is a real political force,
but its power derives in large part from the fig leaf it provides to
the U.S. military-industrial complex and the oil industry.
In the Jewish community, as in every ethnic community or political constituency,
this type of “access” to decision makers does not really
offer a route to collective empowerment. It does, however, function
as an effective mechanism for disciplining community opinion and restricting
democratic debate. For every community, grassroots mobilization and
broad democratic participation, not institutional power-brokering,
are the only way to bring about progressive policy change.
The current situation in the Jewish community is a case in point: any
opinion, let alone any organized political initiative, that diverges
from certain narrowly defined parameters is silenced, marginalized,
and censured. In particular, to question the role or the agenda of U.S.
militarism in the Middle East is to break one of the most deeply seated
taboos in the American Jewish community. When it comes to the Middle
East, antiinterventionism — which Jewish progressives supported
without hesitation in Vietnam or Central America — is held to
be an unthinkable political stance.
Most American Jews have been raised to unquestioningly assume our right
to core democratic freedoms — certainly freedom of conscience
and freedom of expression. In institutionalized Jewish life, however,
democratic participation and debate are more often crushed by a stifling
climate of political orthodoxy that begins with silencing and does not
hesitate to move onto blacklisting, the withdrawal of funding, and
Even many of the Jewish peace activists that thrust their way onto the
political scene in the late 1980s — often at great personal cost
— have accommodated themselves to this institutional arrangement
and now function largely to police the boundaries of acceptable Jewish
discourse at the margins of our community. This is one reason that
the more liberal Jewish peace movement has yet to acknowledge that
the Oslo peace process never represented a viable path toward peace,
but rather functioned (and quite effectively so) as a strategy for containing
the growing opposition to the Occupation in the wake of the first intifada.
Jewish antiwar activists need to develop a style of organizing that
is based on constituency building, rather than on courting the favor
of institutional power brokers. We need to find ways to speak directly
to the constituency base of our synagogues, Jewish peace groups, student
groups, and the like. We also need to find creative ways to reach out
to unaffiliated Jews. While this approach is far more laborintensive
than conventional coalition politics, it is the only way to counter
the policing function of our community’s gatekeepers and to gather
the growing dissent within our community into an effective political
We need to project a strong, clear Jewish voice at the same time as
we work in coalition with allies — including other ethnic communities,
faith communities, and peace groups. Whether we work through Jewish
or mixed organizations, we need to develop a practice of indepth alliance
building that goes beyond shortterm coalition politics that revolve
around community “leaders” without the authentic participation
of their constituencies.
In order to raise a critical antiwar perspective, we also need to fight
for the right to a diversity of opinion and freedom of conscience within
the Jewish community. Zionism, or the idea that Jewish safety demands
a “Jewish state,” emerged as an ideology and political project
only in the 19th century. For most of its history it has been one political
philosophy among others — promoted by some, disputed by others.
It is only since the 1967 war and the beginning of the Occupation that
the idea of an ethnically exclusionary Jewish state has assumed the
character of a political orthodoxy in the Jewish community that it
is forbidden to question or discuss. Those of us who identify as nonZionists
or “post-Zionists” need to insist that our voices be recognized
as legitimate voices of commitment, engagement, and love for the Jewish
We need to articulate a political vision for Middle East peace that
works for everyone, regardless of their ethnic or religious identity.
In the contemporary world, tribalism or chauvinism of any description
is not a viable political stance. Demilitarization, social and economic
equity, and democratic participation offer the only basis for a principled
Jewish antiwar activists, like every constituency that is committed
to an authentic Middle East peace, need to understand that our struggle
is a long-term one. We need to combine long-term relationship building
with public education, legislative advocacy, agitation, and creative
direct action. Our vision and our practice need to be strategic, independent,
and based on clear principles, not power-brokering.
We need to reclaim and embrace the diversity of Jewish political thought
and action over the past century, as well as the neglected dissident
Jewish voices of today. Mainstream discussion about Israel is framed
within a discourse of inevitability, in which the Nazi Holocaust incontrovertibly
“proves” the necessity of the Israeli national security
state. We need to understand the many roads not taken in recent Jewish
history — not as an abstract intellectual exercise but as a vital
part of our struggle to articulate a new vision for the Jewish future.
Kamel is a founding member of the Jewish Mobilization for a Just
Peace (JMJP) and an activist with the US Campaign to End the Israeli
Occupation. For more information, contact firstname.lastname@example.org.